Historical Revisionism or Selective Memory? Black History Month and Germany’s Colonial Past

Elisabeth, thank you very much for agreeing to this interview. We are delighted to have the opportunity to engage with you on this significant topic. Black History Month is an institution that was introduced in the United States to commemorate the achievements and struggles of African Americans throughout their history, including their experiences with slavery, Jim Crow laws, segregation, exploitation, and their continued marginalisation within modern American society, as highlighted by the Black Lives Matter movement. However, today we would like to shift the focus to Europe, and more specifically, to Germany. It is deeply concerning that Black History Month has not gained significant traction here, despite the undeniable and often brutal historical connections between Germany and the African continent. This is particularly striking when considering Germany’s colonial past, marked by its involvement in the Scramble for Africa and its role as an imperial power in territories such as Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika (present-day Namibia), Togo, Cameroon, and Deutsch-Ostafrika (present-day Tanzania, Burundi, and Rwanda). Germany’s colonial rule was characterised by exploitation, oppression, and racial violence. The most egregious example of this is the genocide committed against the Herero and Nama peoples.

This brings me to my first question: Why has Germany been so reluctant to confront its colonial past and the legacy of anti-Black racism? Moreover, how could Black History Month contribute to increasing awareness, fostering acknowledgment, and promoting accountability within German society?

The reason why this confrontation didn’t happen for such a long time has to do with the normalization of epistemic violence against formerly colonized people and Black people in general, and also avoidance behaviour. Epistemic violence refers to the process of “othering” which went hand in hand with colonial racism. Since the colonized people had been created in the minds of Germans and other colonial powers as “others”, they were not seen as human equals. Their subjectivity was denied, and they became objects in the eyes of the colonizers. Frantz Fanon said it accurately; they were regarded as things. Avoidance behaviour on the other hand can be linked to negative emotions such as guilt and shame, and the feeling of being overwhelmed. In my view, these two factors are central for understanding the long-lasting lack of political interest and action regarding the colonial past. And I think they should be taken very seriously since they’re both obstacles to change. Racism leads white people to be indifferent about the histories and injustice of Black people. And to not deal with the guilt and shame resulting from acknowledging the magnitude of the violence and pain inflicted to Black people, white people avoid dealing with colonialism and racism. In essence, it’s not only about avoiding the issue, but oneself and one’s transgressions. In political terms avoidance can look like making statements about getting over the past and moving forward.

Black History Month has not yet received wide recognition in Germany and is mainly observed by communities. However, it’s an important opportunity to create awareness for German colonialism and anti-Black racism.

Germany is internationally recognised for its Erinnerungskultur (remembrance culture) regarding the Holocaust, marked by extensive educational programs, memorials, reparations, and public acknowledgment of guilt. However, this same level of engagement has not been applied to Germany’s colonial history. Why is there such a stark contrast in how Germany confronts these two aspects of its past? What does this reveal about historical narratives and societal values in Germany, and how could a more inclusive remembrance culture be fostered? Moreover, what role could Black History Month play in bridging this gap?

In terms of Germany’s history of injustice, the Holocaust is the dominant event – both in education and in remembrance. German colonialism has not received the same consideration. The reasons for this are multi-faceted. They’re rooted in colonialism and racism. In Germany, until very recently, there was no societal debate about German colonial rule and the plight of colonized people. It’s less than ten years that as a nation we acknowledged the existence of human remains from former colonies in German institutions as well as cultural artefacts in German museums that can be traced back to colonial injustice. For a very long time there was no shared understanding that colonialism had been a bad thing per se – let alone a crime. And this didn’t happen as coincidence. There’s a longstanding narrative about Germany’s “right” to have colonies and thus to colonize Africans. For example, when the German Empire lost World War I one of the terms of the Treaty of Versailles was that Germany had to surrender all its colonies. At that time Germans perceived this loss as a disgrace, and it contributed to the non-acceptance of the treaty’s requirements. However, what sparked a lot of racism in post-war Germany was the presence of occupying forces which included Black colonial soldiers. This was a big humiliation for many Germans, and it led to racist campaigns throughout the country. I say this to stress the fact that after the formal end of German colonialism, which came by force, there was a lack of awareness about the atrocities committed by the German colonial administrations against Africans. Nobody spoke about practices of ethnic cleansing which would later be recognized as genocide under international law. The opposite was the case: the colonies were regarded as national possessions which were taken from Germany illegitimately. When we compare the different politics in the context of remembrance culture, we must take into consideration the specific history and legitimacy linked to German colonialism and the lack of recognition for the humanness of people of African descent and the sovereignty for both the different peoples and territories. While it is true that Jewish people were also de-humanized by the Nazi regime, the reparation policy of the Federal Republic of Germany aimed at recognizing their human dignity – which had been violated by National Socialist injustice – and restoring their humanness. Until today, African victims of colonialism and their descendants are waiting for their dignity to be rehabilitated. The aim of this comparison is not proving which crime was worse. But instead to stand against the narrative of a single story and to recognize that Germany’s history consists of multiple stories of injustice. And therefore, we need multiple “remembrances”. We really need a shared memory. And this also means that the resources for remembrance culture must be shared. While structures and funds were created for remembering the injustices under National Socialism and SED dictatorship there are none for the issue of colonialism. However, this is not only due to political decisions. We can also see that different actors of the established remembrance culture are not in favour of having a holistic agenda which includes colonialism, and they block political initiatives in that direction. This is very unfortunate since this situation creates a hierarchy of remembrance. Black History Month can reinforce political and community efforts for creating an inclusive remembrance culture and help raise public awareness for the issue.

Does this selective memory constitute a form of historical revisionism? How does this impact the identity and societal status of Afro-German communities, and could Black History Month help challenge and deconstruct these dominant narratives?

I think it’s a form of ignorance and denial. And when we take the context of genocide, the denial of a crime against humanity is very dangerous because it trivialises the violence done to victims and the reality of racism. The impact on Black communities is that they’re de-humanized repeatedly and given the message that their experiences don’t matter. Therefore, they don’t feel like they belong. Black History Month can lead to the deconstruction of dominant narratives. It’s especially needed within communities to fight the false believe of racial difference and the feeling of unworthiness. Therefore, Black History Month is very relevant for empowering communities and creating spaces of healing.

Germany has been vocal in advocating for human rights and historical accountability in other countries [see here], yet it remains reticent about its own colonial crimes. Is there a double standard in Germany’s international stance on justice and its domestic approach to colonial reparations? Could Black History Month be a platform for highlighting these inconsistencies?

There’s clearly a double standard. At the same time, this behaviour follows the logic we see in Germany’s human rights politics: the issue of human rights is being externalized. So, it’s always about what happens outside Germany. And there is this notion that Germany is a champion of human rights and must promote human rights abroad. The human rights challenges inside the country and the crimes in the past are rarely addressed as such. I think that Black History Month can certainly be a platform to shed light on these inconsistencies and create visibility for the human rights situation of people of African descent in Germany and in African countries.

Germany is bound by international human rights treaties that prohibit racial discrimination. Given the ongoing issues of systemic racism and marginalization of people of African descent in Germany, how effective are these legal frameworks? Could Black History Month be utilised to highlight these disparities and advocate for stronger anti-discrimination policies?

Germany has ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) in 1969 and is since then a signatory state. In 2001 the government recognized the competences of the Committee against Racial Discrimination (CERD) to receive and consider individual complaints against Germany in accordance with Article 14 ICERD. CERD has repeatedly recommended Germany to develop a definition of racial discrimination for national law which reflects Article 1 ICERD to ensure full protection against racial discrimination. CERD has also stated that people of African descent in Germany suffer from inequality and that this denies them of the rights guaranteed to them by ICERD. Unfortunately, ICERD is barely known by German jurists, and it’s not applied by judges. Some of ICERD’s provisions such as special measures – which is another word for positive measures – have not been adopted in national law. So, the main problem is the lack of implementation and a disregard for race as ground of discrimination. Race must receive greater consideration to protect people of African descent against racial discrimination and racism. And its’s also important to detect racial disparities within society. During Black History Month we have the opportunity to centre race, identify legal gaps and call for anti-discrimination measures which are informed by the discrimination experiences of people of African descent.

Germany recently acknowledged the genocide against the Herero and Nama peoples but has faced criticism for its reparations approach [see here and here]. Are these measures adequate under international law, or do they represent a symbolic gesture without genuine accountability? How can Black History Month be leveraged to advocate for more substantial reparations and reconciliation?

Germany’s governments have pushed back against taking accountability for colonial crimes for a very long time. And although in recent years we could observe a change – from showing remorse and asking for forgiveness to finally recognizing the Genocide against the Herero and Nama – there remains resistance against claims of reparations. It’s an opposition which is also backed by a legal doctrine: Nullum crimen, nulla poena sine lege, meaning that there cannot be a crime without law. Hence, according to jurists inside the German administration there can’t be a case of reparations for crimes committed under colonialism. The other argument is that the crimes were not committed by the current state. The result is that we have a situation in which the occurrence of a crime is recognized, but not the need for redress. The legal discussion leads us into a deadlock and its only purpose is to secure the government against reparation claims. Unfortunately, even the Genocide against the Herero and Nama was first not acknowledged with the legal argument that there was no international law against such act at the time the genocide occurred. The double standard doesn’t only apply to Germany’s human rights engagement abroad. It can also be seen in the different approach for reparations for the victims of National Socialism. After World War II the German government took responsibility for the crimes committed by the Third Reich. And the Federal Republic committed to paying reparations for Jewish victims of the Holocaust. This was a political decision which was implemented legally. And it required making exceptions to legal doctrines and creating new laws which would enable the redress for past crimes of a predecessor State. Because we have this precedent in national law, we could use it to create legal solutions in the case of criminal acts that occurred in the colonial era. However, it seems that there’s no political will for this approach. This makes it difficult for scholars and civil society who advocate for reparations. Black History Month can help to create visibility for their perspectives and spaces where claims for reparations can be discussed.

International human rights standards emphasize the right to education, including learning about historical injustices. In Germany, however, colonial history and its legacy of racial violence are scarcely covered in school curricula. Does this omission violate educational rights, and how could Black History Month influence educational reform and historical awareness?

This is a real challenge. Communities, educators and educationalists have highlighted this problem for many years. And human rights mechanisms such as the UN Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent have recommended Germany to review school curricula. On the one hand, we have the issue that the history of colonialism and the injustices committed against Africans are not being sufficiently taught in German schools. On the other hand, the existing teaching materials very often depict the history of Black people in a racist way and thus reproduce racial stereotypes. Article 7 ICERD obliges State Parties to “adopt immediate and effective measures, particularly in the fields of teaching, education, culture and information, with a view to combating prejudices which lead to racial discrimination and to promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among nations and racial or ethnic groups”. It’s my view that Germany falls short on implementing this provision in the areas of education and culture when it comes to the history of colonialism and racial discrimination against Black people. Regarding the human right to education, one must say that it’s generally implemented and protected in Germany. However, since we are a federal state, education politics is a matter of our 16 Länder. There’s no central system for determining school curricula and teaching materials. However, the Länder have coordination meetings in the framework of the Standing Conference of Education Ministers. I think that this political platform should deal with the issue of integrating education on colonial injustice in school curricula. Black History Month can be used to advocate for these kinds of reforms in education politics.

Many of the racial stereotypes and discriminatory practices present in modern Germany can be traced back to colonial ideologies. In what ways does Germany’s failure to fully confront its colonial past contribute to ongoing structural racism? Can Black History Month play a role in educating the public and dismantling these colonial continuities?

Anti-Black racism stems partly from colonial racism. So, there’s a co-relation between the racial stereotypes and myths created during colonialism and contemporary racism against Black people. Anti-Black racism has been part of Germany since there was knowledge about Black people and teachings about the supremacy of white people. As scholars of post-colonial theory suggests, since it was the colonizers who created the image of inferior colonized people, they also thought that they knew them very well. And one could say that to some extent they did. White people studied the Africans, they dictated how they should live, and they could decide how long they lived. Scientific racism was developed to prove the inferiority of colonized people. The goal of all this was to legitimize colonial rule and the oppression of Africans. Black people still experience this “knowing about them” by white people. When medical doctors or hospitals ignore the conditions of Black patients and are not sensitive to their pain it’s due to the racist knowledge. The same is true for the lack of representation of Black people in the private and public sector, and their over-representation in precarious employment. Due to colonial continuities and persistent racial prejudices, white people don’t think that Black people have the same intellectual capacity. This racial ideology still has an impact on Black children who are discriminated in schools by white teachers. And in higher education we can see that Black students are treated differently from white students and that they very presence in academic institutions is often questioned. The other side of the coin is that Black people can have a similar image of themselves because colonialism was not only limited to territories. The minds of Africans were colonized too. Oppression in former colonies also included the process of indoctrination and selling to colonized people the lie that white people are inherently superior to them. Black History Month is first and foremost a programme to educate about the history of Black people and to share their diverse realities. This is important to create a truthful narration of who they are and what they contributed to human civilization. Part of this education is also to unmask racism and to teach societies that it was and still is a false ideology which violates the dignity of its victims and harms nations as a whole.

Elisabeth, your insights have illuminated the complex and often overlooked intersections between Germany’s human rights politics, its colonial legacy, and the ongoing struggles faced by people of African descent. Your call for a more inclusive and historically conscious remembrance is timely and necessary. It invites German society to reflect not only on its colonial legacy but also on the pervasive structures of racial inequality that persist today. Thank you once again for sharing your knowledge and for your invaluable contributions to this crucial dialogue.