{"id":24523,"date":"2025-03-17T10:46:13","date_gmt":"2025-03-17T09:46:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/?p=24523"},"modified":"2025-03-20T18:11:42","modified_gmt":"2025-03-20T17:11:42","slug":"lawfare-the-mortal-kombat-of-jurisprudence","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/lawfare-the-mortal-kombat-of-jurisprudence\/","title":{"rendered":"Lawfare: The Mortal Kombat of Jurisprudence"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Carl von Clausewitz, a prominent Prussian military theorist at the beginning of the 19th century, in his major work \u201cVom Kriege\u201d (On War),\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/link.springer.com\/chapter\/10.1007\/978-1-349-14443-3_9#:~:text=In%20the%20introduction%20to%20his,enterprise%20apart%20from%20political%20reason.\"><u>described<\/u><\/a> war as nothing more than the continuation of politics\u00a0by other means<em>.<\/em><em>\u00a0<\/em>While von Clausewitz primarily focused on military means and methods as the main components of war, 200 years later, modern warfare extends far beyond\u00a0traditional battlefronts. Contemporary\u00a0armed conflicts, whether\u00a0international or\u00a0non-international, are rarely fought only\u00a0by soldiers.\u00a0Instead, they often involve mobilizing various organizations, institutions, and\u00a0inhabitants of a territory\/state in war representing different professions. Even ordinary <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2022\/oct\/29\/ukraine-phone-app-russia-drone-attacks-eppo\"><u>citizens<\/u><\/a>\u00a0can contribute to the war effort\u00a0through their smartphones. This broadening of warfare has created space for other domains such as economic warfare, political warfare, cyber warfare, propaganda, etc. Altogether, these elements\u00a0are usually categorized\u00a0under the term \u201chybrid warfare\u201d\u00a0or \u201chybrid wars\u201d, a concept\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.potomacinstitute.org\/images\/stories\/publications\/potomac_hybridwar_0108.pdf\"><u>popularized<\/u><\/a> by Frank Hoffman in 2007. While hybrid warfare <a href=\"https:\/\/globalsecurityreview.com\/hybrid-and-non-linear-warfare-systematically-erases-the-divide-between-war-peace\/\"><u>combines<\/u><\/a> conventional and unconventional tactics, it also encompasses a distinct dimension known as \u201clawfare\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Since its <a href=\"https:\/\/www.laceweb.org.au\/whi.htm\"><u>introduction<\/u><\/a> to the public by John Carlson and Neville Yeomans and its resurgence in 2001 by Charles J. Dunlap Jr., lawfare has been largely understood as a method or means of warfare. One of the most quoted <a href=\"https:\/\/www.taylorfrancis.com\/books\/mono\/10.4324\/9781003158257\/lawfare-rafael-valim-cristiano-martins-valeska-martins\"><u>definitions<\/u><\/a> describes lawfare as <strong>the strategic use of law with the purpose of delegitimizing, harming, or annihilating an enemy<\/strong>. Given that the term \u201clawfare\u201d is a blend of \u201claw\u201d and \u201cwarfare\u201d,\u00a0it is unsurprising that many scholars directly connect\u00a0such use of law with securing military advantages during armed conflicts.\u00a0In 2025 lawfare is a complex phenomenon and while technology evolves,\u00a0defining lawfare becomes even more challenging.<\/p>\n<p>Contrary to the above-mentioned approach, this research holds the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/opinions\/2024\/04\/02\/israel-gaza-international-court-justice\/\"><u>position<\/u><\/a>, that lawfare is not necessarily a component of an armed conflict, and additionally does not inevitably\u00a0constitute a negative phenomenon.\u00a0Having in mind the two mutually exclusive approaches in recent years scholars have attempted\u00a0to classify lawfare. Definitions and classifications for lawfare range from narrow interpretations, which\u00a0confine it to wartime applications, to broader\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/publications.lawschool.cornell.edu\/lawreview\/2023\/01\/23\/an-alternative-to-zombieing-lawfare-between-russian-and-ukraine-and-the-future-of-international-law\/\"><u>frameworks<\/u><\/a>\u00a0that divide the concept into several\u00a0subcategories, while also including so-called \u201cpeacetime lawfare\u201d. Adhering to the latter approach, as well as considering existing classifications of the concept, the present study\u00a0categorizes\u00a0lawfare into the following subcategories:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><u><strong>Battlefield lawfare<\/strong><\/u><u><strong>, <\/strong><\/u><u>applicable by parties to <\/u><u>a<\/u><u> conflict <\/u><u>within <\/u><u>the <\/u><u>theatre of war<\/u><u> or having <\/u><u>a <\/u><u>visible impact on the battlefront<\/u><\/li>\n<li><u><strong>War-effort lawfare<\/strong><\/u><u><strong>,<\/strong><\/u><u><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/u><u>directed to back the military without having <\/u><u>a <\/u><u>direct impact on the battlefront, but creating legal and plausible justification for the activities of the armed forces. <\/u><\/li>\n<li><u><strong>Institution-based (Courtroom) lawfare<\/strong><\/u><u><strong>,<\/strong><\/u><u>\u00a0<\/u><u>waged<\/u><u> through legal argumentation<\/u><u> within established institutions (including courts) and directed toward delegitimization of the opponent, without presupposing <\/u><u>the<\/u><u> existence of an armed conflict.<\/u><\/li>\n<li><u><strong>Other (Mixed) lawfare<\/strong><\/u><u><strong>, <\/strong><\/u><u>the most complex<\/u><u> type<\/u><u> of lawfare which include<\/u><u>s<\/u><u>\u00a0<\/u><u>but is not limited to <\/u><u>legal actions <\/u><u>and may be<\/u><u> combined with other types of coercion such as economic or political.<\/u><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>To sum up, this paper describes lawfare as a strategic application of law by states and non-state actors aimed at weakening the position of adversaries\u00a0either in peacetime or in situations of armed conflict.<\/p>\n<p>The first two subcategories in the abovementioned classification presuppose the existence of an armed conflict where lawfare is either part of military operations (as in the case of battlefield lawfare) or contributes to the war-effort activities of a party to a conflict (as in the second subcategory).<\/p>\n<p><strong>Battlefield Lawfare<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Although lawfare is usually considered as\u00a0a more humane approach to problem-solving than traditional kinetic warfare,\u00a0there are instances\u00a0where its application\u00a0has drawn criticism from the international community.\u00a0One notorious example is the use of human shields\u00a0during armed conflicts. This strategy implies locating civilians or civilian objects near the area of hostilities in order to deny the attacker the possibility to carry out its military activities without damaging civilian infrastructure or avoiding casualties. This morally reprehensible yet battlefield-effective tactic\u00a0has been employed in many modern armed conflicts,\u00a0such as\u00a0the Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Hamas.\u00a0Within this context, both states and non-state actors conduct hostilities from places of worship such as <a href=\"https:\/\/scholarship.law.duke.edu\/faculty_scholarship\/3720\/\"><u>mosques<\/u><\/a>\u00a0as well as from\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/lieber.westpoint.edu\/weaponizing-civilians-human-shields-ukraine\/\"><u>densely<\/u><\/a>\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.amnesty.org\/en\/latest\/news\/2022\/08\/ukraine-ukrainian-fighting-tactics-endanger-civilians\/\"><u>populated areas<\/u><\/a>\u00a0which serves as a preventive measure for the backfire.\u00a0If\u00a0such locations are targeted, the attacking forces will be most likely accused of violation of international humanitarian law.\u00a0In these cases, the misuse of the law may attract criticism from the international community and humanitarian organizations but remain extremely useful from the perspective of gaining military advantage. However, the flip side is that such tactics usually violate\u00a0principles of international humanitarian law, such as distinction (between civilian population and combatants and between civilian objects and military objectives) and the principle of precaution, which obliges both the attacking and the defending sides to take all feasible precautions to avoid or to minimize civilian casualties as well as any harm to civilian population and civilian objects. Additionally, utilizing this approach during hostilities\u00a0leads\u00a0some authors to argue that lawfare in general\u00a0is a negative phenomenon that <a href=\"https:\/\/www.routledge.com\/Lawfare-Waging-War-through-Law\/Martins-Martins-Valim\/p\/book\/9780367745165\"><u>denies the law<\/u><\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><strong>War-Effort Lawfare<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Beyond\u00a0application\u00a0on the battlefield, lawfare also plays an important role in supporting war efforts behind the front lines. In this regard, the law has different functions. From the perspective of law applicable in wartime, both soldiers and commanders must\u00a0be well-versed\u00a0in international humanitarian law (IHL) and related branches of international law before engaging in warfare.\u00a0However, in the modern era\u00a0relying solely on the legal knowledge of the military staff is often insufficient, therefore legitimizing military operations can help avoid serious consequences on the international scene\u2024\u00a0Thus, actors in the international arena periodically introduce new concepts, such as humanitarian intervention or preventive self-defence, which\u00a0some states use to justify <em>jus <\/em><em>ad<\/em><em> bellum<\/em> violations and to legitimize\u00a0breaches of international law.\u00a0To this end, states frequently equip civilian staff with functions to support the military from a legal perspective. Moreover, think tanks and universities can also play a pivotal role in advancing lawfare strategies. While such practice is not rare, Israel has taken the process to the next level as a country practicing <a href=\"https:\/\/nx52645.your-storageshare.de\/apps\/deck\/board\/8\/card\/925\"><u>scholarly-backed military operations<\/u><\/a>. This approach involves leveraging international law specialists and other university professionals to legitimize state actions, particularly in the occupied Palestinian territories, but not exclusively.\u00a0Unlike ordinary legal support, such professional activity can accompany a military operation through all stages from planning to execution.\u00a0Although these people are often unaffiliated with the military or government, they yield significant influence within the public governance system.\u00a0To some scholars, this legal support is not solely a simple cooperation but rather a mechanism through which lawyers set the tone of how IHL is interpreted.<\/p>\n<p>In most countries, such cooperation\u00a0is disregarded.\u00a0In such states,\u00a0partnership\u00a0between the military and university staff is usually limited to teaching support by international law specialists to military university students and cadets as well as representatives of the military with decision-making responsibilities. However, as time evolves lawfare is becoming more integrated in armed conflicts, and\u00a0deeper collaboration between international law specialists and state bodies may have a serious impact on the quality and applicability of both military operations and international humanitarian law.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Institution-Based (Courtroom) Lawfare<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Although many researchers\u00a0associate lawfare with the existence of an armed conflict, the current trend in international law is inclined to include \u201ccourtroom battles\u201d within the notion.\u00a0Institutions such as the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the International Criminal Court (ICC), and the\u00a0European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) are just a tiny part of international institutions that\u00a0serve as\u00a0platforms for modern lawfare. With the rise of asymmetric warfare, also including conflicts between states with different levels of army organization or military budgets such as Russia v. Ukraine or Armenia v. Azerbaijan, the strategic use of judicial institutions has become\u00a0more popular and widespread.\u00a0Lawfare in this context also carries another dimension, helping to gain a\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/digital-commons.usnwc.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?params=\/context\/ils\/article\/1085\/&amp;path_info=vol_87_XIII_stephens_the_age_of_lawfare.pdf\"><u>moral advantage<\/u><\/a>\u00a0in addition to legal victories.<\/p>\n<p>For states such as Armenia and Ukraine that were not actively engaged in lawfare before, the driving force to utilize this\u00a0tactic can be found in the existence or threat of an armed conflict\u00a0as well as in\u00a0changes in geopolitical situations. Therefore, it is not paradoxical that states are searching for new legal <a href=\"https:\/\/www.icc-cpi.int\/news\/icc-welcomes-ukraine-new-state-party\"><u>mechanisms<\/u><\/a> to address their issues.\u00a0Extensive <a href=\"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/and-the-azerbaijan-armenia-lawfare-expanded\/\"><u>literature<\/u><\/a> exists on states\u2019 <a href=\"https:\/\/www.yivo.org\/cimages\/south_african_lawfare_at_the_hague.pdf\"><u>legal <\/u><u>endeavors<\/u><\/a> in various courts and international organizations, reflecting the broader\u00a0trend of seeking accountability through legal avenues beyond traditional kinetic warfare. Some states, such as Ukraine, have even launched separate projects such as the<a href=\"https:\/\/publications.lawschool.cornell.edu\/lawreview\/2023\/01\/23\/an-alternative-to-zombieing-lawfare-between-russian-and-ukraine-and-the-future-of-international-law\/\"><u> \u201clawfare project\u201d<\/u><\/a> that promoted filing cases and submitting complaints not only before the aforementioned courts, but also the International Tribunal on the Law of the Sea (ITLOS), World Trade Organization (WTO), and other international institutions. The idea of the project goes further than the traditional borders of public international law and includes private international law as well. However, in ongoing hostilities, lawfare is only a complementary tool rather than the primary means of achieving military or political objectives.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Other<\/strong><strong> (Mixed) Lawfare<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Beyond the categories discussed above, lawfare can also manifest in hybrid forms that incorporate legal elements, though not limited to legal actions, often combined with other coercive measures. This is particularly evident when political or economic measures are reinforced by legal actions\u00a0creating a powerful combination that enhances the overall strategy. Sanctioning, embargoes, and other measures nowadays require strong legal support and, in some scenarios, even termination of international treaties.\u00a0Hence, these actions require a strong legal justification. In recent years, states have increasingly involved private corporations\u00a0in\u00a0their state-driven strategic lawfare. One such case\u00a0involves several Brazilian companies, including Brazilian aerospace corporation\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.justice.gov\/archives\/opa\/pr\/embraer-agrees-pay-more-107-million-resolve-foreign-corrupt-practices-act-charges\"><u>Em<\/u><u>b<\/u><u>raer<\/u><\/a>, which faced serious legal issues with the U.S. Department of Justice for several years.\u00a0Another prominent lawfare example included an episode of mixed (including legal)\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.lawfaremedia.org\/article\/huawei-technologies-v-us-summary-and-context\"><u>proceedings<\/u><\/a> by the United States against Chinese technology giant Huawei.\u00a0These cases are another illustration\u00a0of how modern lawfare extends beyond the realms of conventional warfare and pre-existing armed conflict as neither China nor Brazil has been involved in any armed confrontation with the United States in recent years.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>While lawfare has\u00a0not managed to\u00a0become the dominant form\u00a0of contemporary\u00a0warfare,\u00a0its\u00a0increasing recognition and application highlight its strategic\u00a0value across various contexts.\u00a0Although kinetic potential in armed conflicts\u00a0remains a priority\u00a0for both\u00a0states and non-state actors, the age of hybrid warfare demands greater attention to supplementary strategies, including lawfare. However, as indicated above,\u00a0certain forms of lawfare -particularly those linked to armed conflicts may pose serious threats. Therefore,\u00a0establishing mechanisms to prevent\u00a0the misuse of the law should be a priority\u00a0for states and international organizations.\u00a0This may include stricter control over compliance with international humanitarian law and additional mechanisms to punish perpetrators of international law violations.<\/p>\n<p>On the other hand, lawfare also has much to offer as an alternative to armed conflicts and other types of confrontations.\u00a0In such subcategories as courtroom lawfare states and other actors involved should, vice-versa be interested in enlarging the potential of lawfare. Establishing courts and arbitration mechanisms with binding authority and widespread participation, alongside\u00a0enhancing existing international legal frameworks\u00a0would be a significant step toward reducing armed conflicts and resolving disputes in a more civilized way, thereby\u00a0minimizing casualties and destruction.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Carl von Clausewitz, a prominent Prussian military theorist at the beginning of the 19th century, in his major work \u201cVom Kriege\u201d (On War),\u00a0described war as nothing more than the continuation of politics\u00a0by other means.\u00a0While von Clausewitz primarily focused on military means and methods as the main components of war, 200 years later, modern warfare extends [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":35,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[6639],"tags":[4358,3635,7583],"authors":[7582],"article-categories":[6000],"doi":[],"class_list":["post-24523","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-armed-conflict","tag-international-humanitarian-law","tag-lawfare","authors-narek-abgaryan","article-categories-article"],"acf":{"subline":""},"meta_box":{"doi":"10.17176\/20250318-000805-0"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/24523","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/35"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=24523"}],"version-history":[{"count":9,"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/24523\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":24536,"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/24523\/revisions\/24536"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=24523"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=24523"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=24523"},{"taxonomy":"authors","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/authors?post=24523"},{"taxonomy":"article-categories","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/article-categories?post=24523"},{"taxonomy":"doi","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/voelkerrechtsblog.org\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/doi?post=24523"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}